As Cameroon prepares for the presidential election scheduled for October 12, 2025, one provision of the Electoral Code has suddenly become the centre of political and legal debate.
Article 118 of the 2012 Electoral Code, modified in 2012 and 2019, has been invoked in a petition challenging the eligibility of President Paul Biya, who has ruled the country for over four decades. But what exactly does this article say, and why does it matter now?
Article 118, in its first paragraph, stipulates that individuals are ineligible for election if, “by their own doing, they have placed themselves in a situation of dependence or collusion with another person, an organization, or a foreign power.” This clause is designed to safeguard the independence of the presidency and ensure that the officeholder can exercise power without undue influence, whether that influence comes from domestic actors, foreign governments, or even medical or personal dependencies that compromise autonomy.
The law goes further in paragraph two, mandating that the Constitutional Council must rule on such cases within three days of being formally seized. This strict timeline reflects the importance the law attaches to preventing compromised candidates from remaining in the race, while also ensuring that electoral deadlines are respected.
Historically, Article 118 has rarely, if ever, been tested at the presidential level. Its introduction in the 2012 code reflected lawmakers’ concern about sovereignty in an era of growing international involvement in African politics. Legal experts note that the wording of “dependence” is intentionally broad, allowing the Council to interpret it beyond foreign collusion to include any form of incapacity or reliance that undermines independent decision-making.
In the current context, Article 118 has been invoked by opposition figure Akere Muna, who argues that President Biya, at 92 years old and increasingly absent from public life, has become dependent on aides and foreign medical treatment, making him unfit under the law. His petition claims that Cameroon is now governed by proxy and that such an arrangement is precisely the “dependence” the law was designed to prohibit.
If the Constitutional Council agrees with this interpretation, the consequences would be immediate and profound. Biya could be barred from the election, and under Article 128 of the Code, his party would have just three days to nominate a replacement candidate. If the Council rejects the petition, Biya’s candidacy would stand, and the long-time leader would continue his pursuit of another term.
For legal scholars, Article 118 represents both a safeguard and a test of Cameroon’s democratic maturity. On paper, it is a powerful tool to protect national sovereignty and the integrity of the presidency. In practice, its enforcement depends entirely on the Constitutional Council’s willingness to apply it impartially in a highly charged political environment.
As the petition works its way through the system, Article 118 has moved from the dusty pages of the electoral law to the centre of public debate, with many Cameroonians watching closely to see whether it will remain a theoretical safeguard or become a decisive instrument in shaping the country’s political future.
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